Read a pdf of the UBtheNEWS presentation of this report.
Early Migration to the Americas Summary
The Urantia Book (64:6.5):
About eighty-five thousand years ago the comparatively pure remnants of the red race went en masse across to North America, and shortly thereafter the Bering land isthmus sank, thus isolating them.”
When published in 1955, this statement contradicted the vast majority of scholarly opinion (Clovis First), which held that the red race arrived by this route approximately 13,000 years ago. Whether the red race was chased off the Asian continent by the yellow race or came to North America for some other reason, either way, the convention of referring to them as Native Americans is, obviously, a misnomer. The understanding that humanity migrated to the American continent from elsewhere is nothing new.
However, since 1955, new discoveries are increasingly pushing the arrival date for the red race further back in time, progressively weakening the Clovis First theory. Numerous archaeological sites in both North and South America provide strong evidence for the presence of the Native Americans 40,000 to 60,000 years ago. Part of the problem with accepting the archeological evidence that has been coming to the surface is that it conflicts with the widely held “out of Africa” theory. This topic is an excellent example of just how difficult it is for scholars who have invested their reputations in a particular theory to consider new evidence without bias.
Early Migration to the Americas Report
This topic is still far from being a settled issue and periodic updates can be expected as ongoing research and analysis continues to develop. Nonetheless, significant movement toward the Urantia Book’s position has been made in the last twenty years. This topic serves as an example of how the science of prehistoric man is increasingly moving closer to The Urantia Book’s account of human history. Additionally, this topic is a good example of how difficult it is to break through old paradigms. As will be shown later in the report, researchers who make new discoveries face an uphill battle in the fight for acceptance of their findings.
According to The Urantia Book, the North American continent first became inhabited 85,000 years ago when the “red man” crossed the Bering Strait land bridge, which at that time connected Siberia and Alaska. In the last twenty years remains have been found at sites in both North and South American that indicate the American continents were inhabited at least 50,000 years ago. One site in Brazil dates back to approximately 60,000 years ago. Before these finds the predominantly held scholarly opinion was that the red man entered North America roughly 12,000 years ago by way a Bering Strait land bridge. These new finds seriously challenge the whole field of anthropological study because the current “out of Africa” theory suggests that modern man migrated out of Africa 60,000 to 80,000 years ago.
According to The Urantia Book, modern humans arrived on the scene almost one million years ago. This broader issue of human origins will not be addressed here. However, for the purpose of interpreting relevant quotes regarding the migration of humans to the Americas, it is helpful to be aware of certain aspects of the Urantia Book’s position on this subject.
In recounting the history of humanity, The Urantia Book relates that the various colored races sprang, as an evolutionary mutation, from one mother approximately 500,000 years ago. The Eskimos are said to be the nearest and only remaining example of what human beings were like prior to the differentiation into the various colored races. However, the Eskimos are not considered to be a pure representation of the earliest people. The mutation that occurred gave rise to six colored races: red, orange, yellow, green, blue, and indigo.[1]
Adam and Eve are said to have been biologically superior to all other human beings when they made their appearance almost 38,000 years ago and started a new race, referred to as the violet race. The development of their civilization and the intermixing of their descendants with the rest of humanity significantly impacted the development of our species and the progress of civilization.[2]
Obviously, the out of Africa theory, which dates the emergence of modern man at 60,000 to 80,000 years ago, is not aligned with the Urantia Book’s presentation of human history. That issue will be addressed in other reports; this report will stay focused on the issues related to (genetically) modern man’s early migration to the American continents. However, it is important to note that adherence to the out of Africa theory by many American anthropologists has created a bias against acceptance of the analysis done on the more recent finds of the last decades. Even without the inertial resistance created by acceptance of the out of Africa theory, American scholars who have developed and supported the theory that the red man entered North America around 11,500 have been reluctant to embrace the mounting evidence that is contrary to this theory. Currently, mainstream popular resources for information on this subject still say things similar to what is published on Answers.com: “Some scholars accept evidence of Native American existence in the Americas back more than 25,000 years, while many others believe that people arrived later than that, perhaps as recently as 12,000 years ago.”[3] From Wikipedia.com we get, “They entered North America by at least 12,000 years ago and diversified into hundreds of culturally distinct nations and tribes.”[4] These cursory reviews indicate the degree of cultural and academic bias that is faced by researchers regarding acceptance of the analysis of more recent discoveries.
The long held scholarly belief that modern man came to the Americas around 11,500 years ago dates back to a find made in 1932. Encyclopedia Smithsonian provides the following summary:
“The traditional theory held that the first Americans crossed the land bridge from Siberia to Alaska around 11,500 years ago and followed an “ice-free corridor” between two large Canadian ice sheets (the Laurentide and Cordilleran) to reach unglaciated lands to the south. These first inhabitants, whose archaeological sites are scattered across North and South America, were called the Clovis people, named after the town in New Mexico where their fluted spear points used for hunting mammoth were first found in 1932.”[5]
This report will present the Urantia Book’s position on the subject and then provide summaries of the analysis done on some of the more recent finds that are forcing a re-evaluation of this topic along lines that are increasingly harmonious with the Urantia Book’s position. One of the reasons that remnants of the red man are difficult to find may be that their tendency to fight amongst themselves significantly depleted their populations. The Urantia Book states:
“In later times [approximately 200,000 to 85,000 years ago] they [the red man] had serious and prolonged trouble with their yellow brethren in Asia. They were aided by their early invention of the bow and arrow, but they had unfortunately inherited much of the tendency of their ancestors to fight among themselves, and this so weakened them that the yellow tribes were able to drive them off the Asiatic continent.
(64:6.5) About eighty-five thousand years ago the comparatively pure remnants of the red race went en masse across to North America, and shortly thereafter the Bering land isthmus sank, thus isolating them. . .
(64:6.6) When the red man crossed over into America, he brought along much of the teachings and traditions of his early origin. . . But in a short time after reaching the Americas, the red men began to lose sight of these teachings, and there occurred a great decline in intellectual and spiritual culture. Very soon these people again fell to fighting so fiercely among themselves that it appeared that these tribal wars would result in the speedy extinction of this remnant of the comparatively pure red race.
(64:6.7) Because of this great retrogression the red men seemed doomed when, about sixty-five thousand years ago, Onamonalonton appeared as their leader and spiritual deliverer. He brought temporary peace among the American red men and revived their worship of the “Great Spirit.” Onamonalonton lived to be ninety-six years of age and maintained his headquarters among the great redwood trees of California. Many of his later descendants have come down to modern times among the Blackfoot Indians.
(64:6.8) As time passed, the teachings of Onamonalonton became hazy traditions. Internecine wars were resumed, and never after the days of this great teacher did another leader succeed in bringing universal peace among them. Increasingly the more intelligent strains perished in these tribal struggles; otherwise a great civilization would have been built upon the North American continent by these able and intelligent red men.
(64:7.4) The red men early began to migrate to the northeast, on the heels of the retreating ice, passing around the highlands of India and occupying all of northeastern Asia. They were closely followed by the yellow tribes, who subsequently drove them out of Asia into North America.
(64:7.5) When the relatively pure-line remnants of the red race forsook Asia, there were eleven tribes, and they numbered a little over seven thousand men, women, and children. These tribes were accompanied by three small groups of mixed ancestry, the largest of these being a combination of the orange and blue races. These three groups never fully fraternized with the red man and early journeyed southward to Mexico and Central America, where they were later joined by a small group of mixed yellows and reds. These peoples all intermarried and founded a new and amalgamated race, one which was much less warlike than the pure-line red men. Within five thousand years this amalgamated race broke up into three groups, establishing the civilizations respectively of Mexico, Central America, and South America. The South American offshoot did receive a faint touch of the blood of Adam.
(64:7.7) . . . While the yellow men now and then engaged in racial war, they did not carry on such incessant and relentless wars of extermination as were waged by the red, green, and orange men. These three races virtually destroyed themselves before they were finally all but annihilated by their enemies of other races.
(64:7.17) During the periods of farthest glacial advance the westernmost of the Andon tribes came very near being driven into the sea. They lived for years on a narrow southern strip of the present island of England. And it was the tradition of these repeated glacial advances that drove them to take to the sea when the sixth and last glacier finally appeared. They were the first marine adventurers. They built boats and started in search of new lands which they hoped might be free from the terrifying ice invasions. And some of them reached Iceland, others Greenland, but the vast majority perished from hunger and thirst on the open sea.
(64:7.18) A little more than eighty thousand years ago, shortly after the red man entered northwestern North America, the freezing over of the north seas and the advance of local ice fields on Greenland drove these Eskimo descendants of the Urantia aborigines to seek a better land, a new home; and they were successful, safely crossing the narrow straits which then separated Greenland from the northeastern land masses of North America. They reached the continent about twenty-one hundred years after the red man arrived in Alaska. Subsequently some of the mixed stock of the blue man journeyed westward and amalgamated with the later-day Eskimos, and this union was slightly beneficial to the Eskimo tribes.
(64:7.19) About five thousand years ago a chance meeting occurred between an Indian tribe and a lone Eskimo group on the southeastern shores of Hudson Bay. These two tribes found it difficult to communicate with each other, but very soon they intermarried with the result that these Eskimos were eventually absorbed by the more numerous red men . . .”
(78:5.7) One hundred and thirty-two of this race [violet mixed with some of the other races], embarking in a fleet of small boats from Japan [approximately 13,000 years ago], eventually reached South America and by intermarriage with the natives of the Andes established the ancestry of the later rulers of the Incas. They crossed the Pacific by easy stages, tarrying on the many islands they found along the way. The islands of the Polynesian group were both more numerous and larger then than now, and these Andite sailors, together with some who followed them, biologically modified the native groups in transit. Many flourishing centers of civilization grew up on these now submerged lands as a result of Andite penetration. Easter Island was long a religious and administrative center of one of these lost groups. But of the Andites who navigated the Pacific of long ago none but the one hundred and thirty-two ever reached the mainland of the Americas.”
The preceding quotes cover the vast majority of the material in the Urantia Book that directly relates to this topic. The Urantia Book was published in 1955. Naturally, there has been a tendency for estimates of migration to the Americas to reach further and further back in time as new discoveries are made. Breaking through the traditional view that the Clovis people were the first modern humans in the Americas has not been easy, though. A Washington Post from 1997 addresses this issue and how the site at Monte Verde, Chile helped to disintegrate this view:
“When recent dating of the excavation (using an accurate method that depends on the rate at which radioactive forms of carbon decay) indicated an age in excess of 12,000 years, many scientists expressed grave doubt. So in January, a consortium of sponsors — including the National Geographic Society and the Dallas (Tex.) Museum of Natural History — sent the nine-member team down to investigate the controversial site.
“Among them were several prominent skeptics, including Dena F. Dincauze of the University of Massachusetts and C. Vance Haynes Jr. of the University of Arizona. After 10 days, the group unanimously endorsed the Monte Verde find. Dincauze yesterday told a news conference at the Dallas museum that the work was “a kind of paradigm-buster” and “a new benchmark in knowledge.” Haynes said from his Arizona office that the site was clearly valid, with many artifacts that are “indisputably” human in origin.
“The Clovis record has stood since the late 1930s, though numerous contenders for evidence of earlier human habitation have arisen. Until now, none had proved convincing to a majority of scientists. Flakes of rock initially thought to be stone tools were shown to have cracked naturally, for example, or specimens thought to be from the site were found to have traveled there later.
“One major advantage of the Monte Verde site, Dillehay said in Dallas yesterday, was that shortly after habitation the area was covered with a peat bog, ensuring preservation of a wide variety of evidence. “There are, for example, stakes that are still lashed in place with string that is knotted,” said Alex W. Barker, chief curator of the Dallas museum. . .
“The new findings make this notion far less tenable. If the Monte Verde site is 12,500 years old, that means that the ancestors of those Chilean settlers somehow managed to travel some 10,000 miles from the Bering Strait to southern South America in only a few hundred years.
“In short, said Stanford, curator of North American archaeology and director of the paleoindian program at the National Museum of Natural History, “they either had to go like hell to get to South America, or they simply came in earlier.” Climate data and other evidence show that the next earlier window of migratory opportunity existed about 22,000 years ago.”[7]
Notwithstanding that the initial discoveries at Monte Verde raised significant questions about the dominant paradigm, it still did not push the date back very far. However, this did open the door for less bias consideration of deeper layers found at Monte Verde, which in turn has made it a little bit easier for other recent finds to be given serious consideration that push the arrival date back to 50,000 to 60,000 years ago.
“But the real date of the first arrival of Homo sapiens in the Americas may be far earlier than any consensus theory now permits. The Monte Verde team has found a second, deeper layer of putative human artifacts that can be reliably dated at 33,000 years old. The evidence so far is tentative, though Stanford said that “most of [the nine-member team] thought it looked pretty good.”[8]
As was the case at Monte Verde, finding older remains at the Topper site in South Carolina’s Savannah River Valley was also simply a matter of digging down deeper. It may seem like it has taken researchers a rather long time to find these various remains in North and South America. But if what the Urantia Book says is true about how the red man suffered extensive population reductions due to in-fighting, this would significantly reduce the amount of evidence available and may create gaps during periods when the population was at its lowest ebb.
Additionally, remains that reach further back in human history sometimes require significant amounts of excavation in order to be recovered. As a practical matter, digging up the past can be a lot of work. Without a backhoe, going deeper can be a discouraging prospect. Fortunately, at the Topper site in 2004, a good location and the right equipment were both present. Science Daily published the following from a University of South Carolina report:
“In 1998, Goodyear. . .dug below the 13,000-year Clovis level at the Topper site and found unusual stone tools up to a meter deeper. The Topper excavation site is on the bank of the Savannah River. . . He recovered numerous stone tool artifacts in soils that were later dated by an outside team of geologists to be 16,000 years old.
“For five years, Goodyear continued to add artifacts and evidence that a pre-Clovis people existed, slowly eroding the long-held theory by archaeologists that man arrived in North America around 13,000 years ago.
“Last May, Goodyear dug even deeper to see whether man’s existence extended further back in time. Using a backhoe and hand excavations, Goodyear’s team dug through the Pleistocene terrace soil, some 4 meters below the ground surface. Goodyear found a number of artifacts similar to the pre-Clovis forms he has excavated in recent years.
Then on the last day of the last week of digging, Goodyear’s team uncovered a black stain in the soil where artifacts lay, providing him the charcoal needed for radiocarbon dating. Dr. Tom Stafford of Stafford Laboratories in Boulder, Colo., came to Topper and collected charcoal samples for dating.
“Three radiocarbon dates were obtained from deep in the terrace at Topper with two dates of 50,300 and 51,700 on burnt plant remains. One modern date related to an intrusion,” Stafford says. “The two 50,000 dates indicate that they are at least 50,300 years. The absolute age is not known.”[9]
In North America the Topper site has produced the oldest evidence to date of early human habitation of the American continent. Assuming that a Bering Strait land bridge was the point of entry by the first human migrations, this would mean that over seven thousand miles would have to be covered to get to South Carolina from Alaska. This would have taken a considerable amount of time, thus pushing the date of first migration back even further than 50,000 years ago. The Topper site, however, does not push the date back as far as the site in Pedra Furada, Brazil, which is, of course, even further from Alaska.
Interviews conducted in 2002 by the Athena Review with researchers from this location reveal the following:
“[Dr.] Guaciara dos Santos: A comprehensive chronology of human activity at the Boqueirão da Pedra Furada (BPF) site, the oldest archaeological site found at the Capivara National Park (fig.3), has been established by reliable radiocarbon dates on charcoal excavated from different levels. . .
“A new ABOX-SC (acid-base-wet oxidation followed by stepped combustion) procedure, developed by Bird et al. (1999), which has been instrumental in establishing secure radiocarbon dates of greater than 40,000 for the human occupation of Australia (Turney et al. 2001), has now been applied by me to charcoal from the oldest occupation layer of the Pedra Furada site. This more rigorous chemical pre-treatment, which was followed by a stepped combustion (SC) procedure to remove any residual contamination, decontaminates samples from charcoal and wood (Bird et al. 1999; Santos et al. 2001), enabling credible radiocarbon dating to around 55,000 BP.
“A total of seven charcoal samples from hearths at site BPF 1 were subjected to the full ABOX-SC procedure and their radiocarbon contents were determined by accelerator mass spectrometry at the Australian National University. Five of the samples proved to be even beyond the limit of this new technique, returning ages of greater than 56,000 BP. Finite ages of 53,000 and 55,000 BP were obtained for the remaining two (Santos et al., in manuscript).
“These new results push back the time of human occupation at the Pedra Furada site by at least another 8,000 years relative to the previous results. Hence, it appears that humans were already at this site about 60,000 years ago, and possibly even earlier.
In their interview Athena Review asked why the research at the Pedra Furada site has not been more widely accepted:
“AR: Some have proposed that the earliest Pedra Furada charcoal dates may be from natural fires (cf. Meltzer, Adovasio, and Dillehay 1994). Why do you think your findings, which seem very compelling, have not been fully accepted by some other New World archaeologists who have found preClovis sites?
Niède Guidon: I cannot understand why. Perhaps because when you are the first to discover something, people want to kill you because you disturbed the placid waters of the lake. The theories on the peopling of America are only theories, and in prehistory it is not possible to say that something does not exist only because we do not find them. A theory is not a law, but may and must be changed each time new facts are discovered. And I am sure of our discoveries because our team is very good with specialists in different sciences. I have degrees in both Natural History and Prehistory, and decades of fieldwork. I know when I am digging a place where people placed stones in order to make a fire inside the structure, and when I am facing a natural fire. And forest fires were not common events in the rain forest before the arrival of white men.”
Fabio Parenti’s response identified three reasons: 1) the remains are not the “undisputable” variety that researchers always hope to find, like bones, 2) being especially old makes the remains more peculiar and, therefore, more suspect, and 3) there has not been direct participation by a team of international archaeologists working at the site. [10]
Don Wyckoff, who is with the Oklahoma Archaeological Survey, acknowledges the substantial degree of prejudice prevalent among archaeological scholars when recounting his work at the Burnham site. Nine miles north of Freedom, OK, Gene Burnham found remains on his property when he was in the process of building a pond. The ensuing investigation turned up evidence of human habitation dating back 35,000 years. Wyckoff’s willingness to involve himself with this 1986 discovery would not have been a sure thing earlier in his career:
“[A]bout 15 feet below the surface, the diggers found soil that dated to about 34,000 B.C.
“In the soil, students found flakes of flint that appeared to be shaped and then discarded when sharpening a tool. There were 52 of them. They also discovered broken tools.
“Wyckoff realized what he’d found, but he didn’t want to admit it.
“The evidence meant people were here, in Oklahoma and North America, 34,000 to 36,000 years ago — long before the Clovis and Folsom people appeared in the American Southwest about 11,600 years ago.
“”If I was younger, I would have walked away. It made us look crazy. I don’t think I would have wanted to risk my career on this,” Wyckoff, 64, said.
“”But being at the age I am, I guess I can live with it. We tried to do the best work we could and let the evidence speak for itself.”
“The new idea had few supporters, and most of them were researchers who had done work at a site in South America that eventually helped back Wyckoff’s find.”[11]
We are now in a period where the previous paradigm is seriously discredited. The Clovis culture is no longer viewed as it was during the several decades that followed the Urantia Book’s publication in 1955. Evidence of human habitation in the Americas prior to 12,000 years ago is now fairly well substantiated and accepted. There are many questions that remain unanswered and, clearly, the current evidence does not yet support the Urantia Book’s assertion that modern man arrived on the American continent 85,000 years. Nonetheless, this date does not seem nearly so far fetched as it did at the time of publication. Additional discoveries and research are increasingly harmonious with the Urantia Book’s position on this subject.
If the Pedra Furada remains hold up as authentic, this places human habitation on the eastern side of Brazil about 60,000 years ago. This adds nearly 50,000 years onto accepted view at the time of publication and brings us to within 25,000 of confirming the Urantia Book entry date. This report will be updated, of course, as new discoveries are made.
The chart below lists sites in North and South America where radiocarbon dating has been done.[12]
| APPENDA: Radiocarbon Dates of Some Archaeological Sites. | |||||
| Site | Radiocarbon years | Laboratory Number | Reference | ||
| Burnham, Oklahoma | 40900 | ± | 1600 | AA-3840 | Wychoff, et. al. 1990 |
| El Cedral, Mexico | 37694 | ± | 1963 | INAH-305 | Lorenzo and Mirambell 1999 |
| Burnham, Oklahoma | 35890 | ± | 850 | AA-3837 | Wychoff, et. al. 1990 |
| Monte Verde I, Chile | 33370 | ± | 530 | Beta-6754 | Roosevelt, et. al. 1996 |
| El Cedral, Mexico | 33300 | ± | 2700 | GX-7684 | Lorenzo and Mirambell 1999 |
| El Cedral, Mexico | 31850 | ± | 1600 | I-10438 | Lorenzo and Mirambell 1999 |
| Meadowcroft Rockshelter | 31400 | ± | 1200 | OxA-364 | Adovasio, et. al. 1990 |
| Burnham, Oklahoma | 31150 | ± | 700 | Beta-23045 | Wychoff, et. al. 1990 |
| Meadowcroft Rockshelter | 30900 | ± | 1100 | OxA-363 | Adovasio, et. al. 1990 |
| Burnham, Oklahoma | 26820 | ± | 350 | AA-3838 | Wychoff, et. al. 1990 |
| Tlapacoya, Mexico | 24000 | ± | 4000 | A-794 | Lorenzo and Mirambell 1999 |
| Tlapacoya, Mexico | 21700 | ± | 500 | I-4449 | Lorenzo and Mirambell 1999 |
| El Cedral, Mexico | 21468 | ± | 458 | INAH-388 | Lorenzo and Mirambell 1999 |
| Meadowcroft Rockshelter | 19600 | ± | 2400 | SI-2062 | Adovasio, et. al. 1988 |
| Meadowcroft Rockshelter | 19100 | ± | 810 | SI-2062 | Adovasio, et. al. 1988 |
| Lovewell Mammoth | 18250 | ± | 90 | CAMS-15636 | Holen 1996 |
| Meadowcroft Rockshelter | 16175 | ± | 975 | SI-2354 | Adovasio, et. al. 1988 |
| Meadowcroft Rockshelter | 15120 | ± | 165 | SI-1686 | Adovasio, et. al. 1988 |
| Meadowcroft Rockshelter | 14925 | ± | 620 | SI-1872 | Adovasio, et. al. 1988 |
| Meadowcroft Rockshelter | 13270 | ± | 340 | SI-2488 | Adovasio, et. al. 1988 |
| Meadowcroft Rockshelter | 13240 | ± | 1010 | SI-2065 | Adovasio, et. al. 1988 |
| Fort Rock Cave, Oregon | 13200 | ± | 720 | GaK-1738 | Byran and Tuohy 1999 |
| Owl Cave, Idaho | 12850 | ± | 150 | WSU-1281 | Miller 1982 |
| Meadowcroft Rockshelter | 12800 | ± | 870 | SI-2489 | Adovasio, et. al. 1988 |
| Arroio dos Fosseis, Brazil | 12770 | ± | 220 | SI-800 | Borrero 1996 |
| RS-I-50, Brazil | 12770 | ± | 220 | SI-801 | Borrero 1996 |
| RS-Q-2, Brazil | 12690 | ± | 100 | SI-2351 | Borrero 1996 |
| Lubbock Lake, Texas | 12650 | 250 | I-246 | Green 1962 | |
| Bonfire Shelter, Texas | 12460 | ± | 490 | AA-344 | Bennett 1986 |
| La Moderna | 12330 | ± | 370 | TO-1507 | Borrero 1996 |
| Abrigo do Sol, Brazil | 12300 | ± | 95 | SI-3477 | Borrero 1996 |
| Owl Cave, Idaho | 12250 | ± | 200 | WSU-1259 | Miller 1982 |
| Smith Creek Cave, Nevada | 12150 | ± | 120 | Birm-752 | Byran and Tuohy 1999 |
| Swan Point, Alaska | 12060 | ± | 70 | CAMS-17405 | Holmes, et. al. 1996 |
| Quereo | 12000 | ± | 195 | N-2965 | Borrero 1996 |
| Johnson Site, Tennessee | 11950 | ± | 110 | Tx-7454 | Byran and Tuohy 1999 |
| Walker Road, Alaska | 11820 | ± | 200 | Beta-11254 | Powers and Hoffecker 1989 |
| Broken Mammoth, Alaska | 11770 | ± | 220 | WSU-4364 | Holmes 1996 |
| Moose Creek, Alaska | 11730 | ± | 250 | GX-6281 | Powers and Hoffecker 1989 |
| Blackwater Draw | 11630 | ± | 350 | A-491 | Hayes, et. al. 1984 |
| Mead, Alaska | 11600 | ± | 80 | CAMS-4877 | Holmes 1996 |
| Lehner Ranch, AZ | 11470 | ± | 110 | SMU-308 | Haynes 1991 |
| Tule Lake, California | 11450 | ± | 340 | Beta-39545 | Beaton 1991 |
| Owl Ridge, Alaska | 11340 | ± | 150 | Beta-11209 | Phippen 1988 |
| Dry Creek, Alaska | 11120 | ± | 85 | SI-2880 | Thorson and Hamilton 1977 |
| Hell Gap, Wyoming | 10955 | ± | 135 | AA-14434 | Frison 1999 |
| Owl Cave, Idaho | 10920 | ± | 150 | WSU-1786 | Miller 1982 |
| Healy Lake, Alaska | 10500 | ± | 280 | GX-1944 | Erlandson et. al. 1991 |
| Berelekh, Siberia | 12930 | ± | 80 | CGIN-1021 | Mochanov 1978:60 |
| Ust’Mil II (C) | 33000 | ± | 500 | LE-1000 | Mochanov 1978:62 |
| Ust’Mil II (C) | 30000 | ± | 500 | LE-1001 | Mochanov 1978:62 |
| Ust’Mil II (C) | 35400 | ± | 600 | LE-954 | Mochanov 1978:62 |
| Ikhine II (B) | 24600 | ± | 380 | IMSOAN-153 | Mochanov 1978:62 |
| Ikhine II (B) | 30200 | ± | 300 | GIN-1019 | Mochanov 1978:62 |
| Ikhine II (B) | 31290 | ± | 500 | GIN-1020 | Mochanov 1978:62 |
| Ust’Mil II (B) | 23500 | ± | 500 | LE-999 | Mochanov 1978:62 |
| Diuktai Cave (B) | 13070 | ± | 90 | LE-784 | Mochanov 1978:62 |
| Diuktai Cave (B) | 14000 | ± | 100 | GIN-404 | Mochanov 1978:62 |
| Diuktai Cave (B) | 12690 | ± | 120 | LE-860 | Mochanov 1978:62 |
| Diuktai Cave (B) | 13110 | ± | 90 | LE-908 | Mochanov 1978:62 |
| Afontova Gora II | 20900 | ± | 300 | GIN-1171 | Mochanov 1978:62 |
| Berelekh, Siberia | 12240 | ± | 160 | LU-149 | Mochanov 1978:62 |
| Berelekh, Siberia | 10600 | ± | 90 | LE-998 | Mochanov 1978:62 |
| Berelekh, Siberia | 11830 | ± | 110 | LU-147 | Mochanov 1978:62 |
| Ushki (5) | 10360 | ± | 350 | MO-345 | Mochanov 1978:62 |
| Ushki (7) | 13600 | ± | 250 | GIN-167 | Mochanov 1978:62 |
| Ushki (7) | 14300 | ± | 200 | GIN- | Mochanov 1978:62 |
[1] See chapters 62 through 64 for a more complete description of these events.
[2] See chapters 74 through 80 for a more complete description of these events.
[3] http://www.answers.com/topic/native-american
[4] http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Indigenous_peoples_of_the_Americas
[5] http://www.si.edu/Encyclopedia_SI/nmnh/origin.htm
[6] Citations to the Urantia Book are provided in the above format. In the present case, 64 refers to the chapter (referred to as “Papers” in the Urantia book); 6 refers to the section; and 4-8 refers to the paragraphs.
[7] http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-srv/inatl/americas/feb/17/artifact.htm
[8] http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-srv/inatl/americas/feb/17/artifact.htm
[9] http://www.sciencedaily.com/releases/2004/11/041118104010.htm
[10] http://www.athenapub.com/10pfurad.htm
[11] http://www.turtletrack.org/Issues03/Co10182003/CO_10182003_Timeline.htm